A Select Bibliography of Polish Press Writing

on the Lemko Question

Copyright 1997 Susyn Y. Mihalasky - all rights reserved

The Lemkos, a small ethno-cultural group(1) of disputed national identity, reside in western and northern Poland. A smaller percentage reside in their Carpathian homeland in southeastern Poland, to which they returned following their forcible expulsion in 1947. The community's small size, scattered settlement, and minority status (culturally, linguistically, and religiously) within Roman Catholic Poland would normally have consigned Lemkos to an "invisible" status.

In fact, the opposite has been true. Public interest in Lemkos, at least as measured by the quantity and quality of articles written about them in the Polish press, has been out of proportion to their modest circumstances.

>An earlier review of the Polish press spanning the years 1980-86, noted that a "real eruption" of interest in Poland's Lemko minority took place in the early 1980s.(2) Since the publication of that article, the Polish reading public's interest in Lemkos has, if anything, increased. This is due largely to the democratizing impact of the 1989 anti-communist revolutions of East-Central Europe, which in Poland as elsewhere, forced a rethinking of the domestic status quo. Perhaps the most important change was the 1990 election of Poland's first post-War non-communist government. As never before in the post-war period, ethnic minorities were able to voice their specific concerns and participate in national public life in the political mainstream. This broadened public dialogue resulted in the Polish Senate's unprecedented August, 1990 resolution condemning the 1947 "Vistula" Operation population resettlement, which scattered Ukrainians and Lemkos out of their homeland into the then depopulated western and northern areas of Poland acquired at the end of the Second World War.

The Lemko community's own response to this more tolerant atmosphere has been the establishment of several cultural and social organizations, including two representing historically competing "ideological" camps on the question of Lemko ethnonational identity. These are the "pro-Rusyn" Lemko Association (founded 1989) and the "pro-Ukrainian" Union of Lemkos (founded l990). Thus, the democratization process within Poland has made possible greater dialogue (and sometimes conflict) not only between ethnonational communities within Poland, but also within individual communities.

Internationally, the post 1989 resurgence of a Rusyn movement advocating the idea of a distinct Rusyn ethnonational identity, and the establishment of an independent Ukraine (l99l) have helped to resurrect the debate over Lemko ethnonational identity. In the religious sphere, change has come at an equally rapid pace and likewise has had a powerful impact on the Lemko community. Pope John Paul II's on-going attempts at reconciling Eastern and Western Christendom, the 1991 normalization of the status of the Byzantine Ukrainian (Greek Catholic) Church within Poland, and that Church's subsequent attempts to regain property confiscated in the wake of the "Vistula" Operation, have also contributed to the enlivened interest in the Lemkos, their concerns and status within Poland.

How have these developments influenced the approach to Lemko matters taken by the Polish press? What continuities and changes have emerged since the early 1980's - and why?

At the most general level, it can be said that the changes are more profound than are the continuities, although much of what the previous press reviewer found as characteristic of press writing on Lemkos in the early 1980's, continues to hold true today. It may therefore be useful to start by recalling the previous reviewer's discussion. This will be followed by examination of continuities over time in treatment of the Lemko question in the Polish press. Doing so will provide a context for appreciating the significance of the changes becoming apparent since publication of the original press review. An annotated bibliography of press articles follows the text; when reference is made in the text to a specific article, it will be identified with the author's name and date of article's publication.

The author of the first press review, which spanned the years 1980-1986, felt that press writing often portrayed Lemkos as "rustic exotica". Discussion of contemporary Lemko community concerns, especially the controversy surrounding Lemkos' ethnonational identity, was largely absent. Many journalists wrote with a certain sense that Lemkos are "something other" than Ukrainians, although what that "otherness" might be was never clearly identified. While space was given to Ukrainian voices on the question of Lemko origins and identity, authentic Lemko voices were completely absent.(3)

The most obvious continuity in the approach taken to Lemkos in the Polish press during subsequent years (1987-1993), is the continued portrayal of them as exotic aboriginals with a mysteriously romantic and tragic past. This type of writing focuses on contemporary Lemko material and spiritual culture, providing amateur ethnographic "snapshots" of the more important rituals of community life. The form this writing takes is descriptive, short story, or impressionistic (Potocki, March 28, 1991; "ABK", 1991).

This approach suggests that in some lovely, quaint far-flung corner of Poland resides a magical group of people who somehow seem to exist separate from 20th century reality. Typical are optimistic accounts of how various faiths and ethnic communities may share the same house of worship and enjoy good inter-ethnic relations and internal community health. Inconvenient facts, such as an informant's recorded comment that a given church "used to be" Greek Catholic or that some Lemkos regard a local Greek Catholic priest as a "ukrainian nationalist" are noted but not further examined. The best examples of this category of writing are Fijalek, 1992; Pomykala, 1991; Bendyk, February 7-9, 1992; "k-b", 1992; Kaczorowski, 1991.

A second continuity with the early 1980's, which perhaps is partly responsible for the long-lived vitality of the romantic images, is the continued absence of authentic Lemko voices. In the very few examples available of Lemko authors writing about their own community, rustic romanticism is replaced by the more thoughtful, informed eye of one writing from within rather than without.

Most notable are the two letters-to-the-editor written by Lemko poet Petro Trochanowski. Both are written in response to articles written by non-Lemkos on relations within the Lemko community (Widel, 1991 and Trochanowski, 1992.) and on the question of reemigration to the homeland ("k-b", 1991 and Trochanowski, 1991.)

In contrast to the more romantic images noted earlier, Lemko authors more directly address the emotional issues that consume the community, including the experience of forced resettlement away from the Lemko homeland (Madzelan, 1991); the call for financial restitution (Obywatelski Krag Lemkow, 1989; "jawro", 1992); and the difficulties inherent in undertaking a return migration to the homeland (Szymkow, 1992). To the best of the author's knowledge, only these few articles during the years 1987-1993 have been authored by Lemkos. In an era of greater intellectual freedom and ethnic tolerance - why have so few authentic Lemko voices emerged?

The reason might lie in the community's historic identity crisis and related religious strife. These twin burdens have sapped the strength of Lemko youth both through endless internal community squabbling. The emotionally tired, insecure victims of this enduring conflict tend to retreat into the Carthaginian peace of assimilation. Furthermore, the "historic memory" of forcible resettlement has bequeathed to younger generations of Lemkos a sense of alienation and cynicism to a degree not found among Polish youth. Cynicism, coupled with this inherited memory of resettlement has prompted Lemko youth to seek a sense of security in the pursuit and accumulation of the material wealth so suddenly taken away from their parents and grandparents. Ultimately, these "spiritual inheritances" - alienation, cynicism and materialism - work against involvement in community affairs.

It bears noting here that the one way in which authentic Lemko voices are in fact often heard - albeit indirectly - is as journalists' informants. These journalists draw on their Lemko informants' local knowledge to provide detailed, insightful, interesting and sometimes controversial reading on various aspects of Lemko history and/or current concerns.

These articles are often of a broad, introductory nature, summarizing for interested but often uninformed Polish readers, various aspects of the Lemkos' past and present. This increasing contact between journalists and individual Lemkos is the result of a greater willingness by Lemkos to speak about themselves and their community. This greater openness is itself a direct result of democratization, which has eased the concerns many Lemkos have had (and among older Lemkos, often still do have) about "speaking out." This "new" category of writing is perhaps the single largest and has many fine examples in the bibliography below. Among the most interesting and insightful are Zegadlowna, April 20-22, 1990; Migrala, 1991; and Kosma, 1992.

Despite this rich new vein of writing on Lemkos, most writers, in a continuity with the early 1980's, still avoid delving directly into the troublesome question of Lemko ethnonational identity. Yet precisely this aspect of the Lemko experience is quite fascinating (and perhaps amusing) to Poles, who themselves have long since undergone the process of defining and consolidating the main elements of their own ethnonational identity. In the interwar period the Polish government, as well as some academics, advocated a "Polish orientation" in the then-raging Lemko ethnonational identity question. This orientation did not take root, however, and in the present day is not given serious consideration by Lemkos themselves.

The passing of the Polish ethnonational identity option was followed by the communist foreclosing on all but the Ukrainian option. A "Rusyn" ethnonational group or identity was not recognized, nor accorded legal status during the years of communist rule. Yet, despite this apparent resolution of the Lemko identity question, it has nevertheless reemerged.

A focus on the usage of ethnonational terminology - Lemko, Ukrainian, Rusyn - by journalists reveals a number of interesting continuities, differences and biases in press writing on Lemkos. Perhaps in an attempt at neutrality, the overwhelming majority of journalists do favor the more neutral terminology designating only cultural and geographic origin - "Lemko" - over the two more politicized terms designating ethnonational orientation - "Ukrainian" or "Rusyn". However these attempts at neutrality have not been wholly successful. Based on their use of terminology, there is the suggestion that most writers (as in the early 1980's) still regard Lemkos as other than Ukrainian. Few writers use the terms "Lemko" and "Ukrainian" as synonyms.

Some journalists' anti-Ukrainian bias sometimes seemed to affect their attitude toward Lemkos. If a journalist used the "Ukrainian" and "Lemko" ethnonyms interchangeably, suggesting a belief that Lemkos are Ukrainians, there was often less sympathy for Lemkos (especially for their having been resettled along with Ukrainians in 1947). If a journalist appeared to regard Lemkos as "something other" than Ukrainian or specifically as Rusyns, then there was generally a more sympathetic portrayal of them.

In writing on matters of broader national interest, such as the "Vistula" Operation resettlement or the question of compensation for the involuntarily resettled populations, there was an observable tendency to use the "Ukrainian" ethnonym, whereas in dealing with local level activities and concerns (such as language schools, religious relations within a village, or holiday traditions), there was a tendency to favor the term "Lemko". It is of course possible that, to the extent journalists rely on Lemko informants, they were simply reflecting the prejudices of these informants, be they Greek Catholic Ukrainian lobbyists in Warsaw or Orthodox Lemko farmers in Ha czowa village. This pattern of terminology usage also reflects the success with which the Ukrainian community has managed to forward a coherent, unified agenda in Warsaw. Conversely, the decentralized, loosely organized Rusyn orientation favors only grassroots community activity.

A small if significant new development in this question of ethnonational terminology and press bias is the fact that a small number of journalists in the late 1980's have begun to use the term "Rusyn" (in Polish: rusin, rusinski) and to remark upon an alternative view: that Lemkos might be a branch of the so-called "Rusyn" nationality. This small minority of writers either uses the terms "Lemko" and "Rusyn" interchangeably, or rarely, only the term "Rusyn" (when writing about people clearly identifiable as Lemkos.)

This terminological development can be traced directly to the reinvigorated Rusyn movement, whose activities, including two World Congresses (March 1991 in Medzilaborec, Slovakia and May 1993 in Krynica, Poland), have thrown a spotlight on the previously absent Rusyn answer to the Lemko ethnonational identity question. The First World Congress drew brief summary attention, (PAP, March 25, 1991; "I Swiatowy...", 1991; Lesniak, 1991; "saw", 1991), whereas the Second World Congress, held in Poland, aroused much more extensive commentary.

The proceedings of that Second Congress were discussed (Wid, 1993), as were its resolutions, including a call for Lemko Rusyns to be recognized and accorded legal status within Poland as an ethnic minority distinct from the Ukrainian minority ("Ml, Sid", 1993.) The question of whether or not the rebirth of the Rusyn ethnonational orientation constitutes the growth of yet another intolerant ethnonationalism, is raised in Sidorowicz (1993). The recent history of the Lemkos within Poland and discussion of recent accomplishments among Rusyn cultural activists can be found in "Zapomniany Narod" (1993).

Articles dealing more generally with Rusyns in an international or minority rights context include Walewska, 1990; Funnemark, 1992; and "The Independent", 1990. Krzysztof Szmidt (1992) focuses on Lemko activity within Poland, while taking a pro-Rusyn bias.

How do Lemkos themselves view Polish journalists' approach toward their community and its concerns? Based upon the returns of a survey which the author distributed among Lemkos during May-August, 1992, approximately (35%) felt the presence of a "pro-Polish" bias, a second third (31%) considered the approach basically objective; the remaining felt coverage was inadequate (15%) or took a slant favorable to the Ukrainian (10%) or Rusyn orientation (4%). Six percent had no opinion.(4)

The increased access of minority groups and their concerns to the political mainstream has meant that minority community self-expression, in the past largely cultural, has now become more overtly economic (calls for financial compensation) or "political" (public airing of feelings of discrimination; discussion of minority rights questions). This is reflected in writing on Lemkos in the Polish press. The most tenacious issues have been those surrounding the "Vistula" Operation. The associated questions of its legal, moral and military validity, the confiscation of Lemko properties following that resettlement, and subsequent efforts to regain these properties from their present owners or caretakers, have generated much interest. Topics of lesser interest have included ongoing historical controversies such as the extent of Lemko cooperation with the Ukrainian Partisan Army (UPA) and speculations over the identity and motives of the faction responsible for the 1947 assassination of General Karol Swierczewski.

On the matter of the "Vistula" Operation resettlement, most writers have written in a generally sympathetic manner, welcoming the Senate's condemnation ("Uchwala...", 1990). There has been some debate as to the legality of the resettlement, with Kozlowski (1989) arguing that the resettlement violated international law and Skubiszewski (1990) providing a legal defense. Misilo (1990) set the resettlement in its larger historical context of post-war population exchanges and internments, and saw the "Vistula" Operation as an attempt to eliminate Poland's Ukrainian minority and to "repolonize" the southeastern parts of the country.

The question of restitution similarly provoked sharp debate. One perspective rejected the possibility of returning confiscated properties to their former Lemko owners, fearing the setting of an impossible precedent vis-a-vis the millions of non-Lemkos who had likewise been similarly victimized by war ("les", 1992). Another author saw the Lemko case as relatively easy to remedy, because formerly Lemko-owned lands are to the present day still essentially empty (Pudlis, 1992).

A broader perspective, setting the restitution question within the larger national context of reprivatization is found in Brzeg-Wielunski (1991). Gryzlak (1991), in contrast, focuses narrowly on the 1949 decree which legalized the confiscation of Lemko properties.

Another controversial topic has been the question of Lemko wartime cooperation with the UPA and implicitly, of the justice of including the Lemko population in the 1947 resettlement intended to neutralize the UPA insurgency. An anonymous letter writer, representing what is likely the majority view in Poland, argued that the resettlement of Lemkos along with Ukrainians was necessary, due to UPA killings of Polish civilians and Lemko cooperation with the UPA ("Lwowianka", 1992). Several authors forwarded the thesis that Lemkos are not Ukrainians, did not support the UPA to any significant extent (Harasymowicz, 1989) and therefore should not have been resettled (Baczewska, 1991). Speculation that Polish partisans, not the UPA, were responsible for General Swierczewski's death is found in Roza ski (1991) and Motyka (1992). Potocki (September 25, 1991), taking a broader historical view, argued that Lemkos were essentially the innocent victims of conflict between their two larger, quarreling Ukrainian and Polish neighbors.

Tensions between Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic and Orthodox churches over properties confiscated from the Greek Catholic Church in 1949, have heightened interest in the Greek Catholic Church, much of it in the form of sympathetic histories, which lament the hardships undergone by the Church and its faithful (Bendyk, 1991).

Potocki (February 18, 1991) notes the positive impact of Pope John Paul's ongoing attempts to reconcile Eastern and Western Christendom in bettering the situation of Greek Catholics in Poland, although not all are happy with papal policies (Szuba, 1992). Former Senator Mokry (Kaczy ski, August 16, 1991) discusses the negative impact of tensions between Greek Catholic and Orthodox churches on the Ukrainian (Lemko) community (-ies); and Kostyrko (1991) regrets the neglected state of Carpathian wooden churches.

Lemko community activities have likewise received attention. Accorded special coverage were the Lemko Association (Chabior, 1990); Lemko participation in the 1991 senatorial race (Mroz, 1991; "T.R.", 1991); and Lemko participation in international minority rights forums ("luz", 1992; "kr", 1992).

Another topic of interest is the two Lemko Vatras "-in the Homeland" (Zdynia) and "-in Exile" (Michalow.) These popular folk festivals draw thousands and serve simultaneously as open air grassroots community gatherings and as occasions for Polish admirers of Lemko culture to get better acquainted with it. Readers were introduced to the Homeland Vatra through journalists' conversations with participants ("g.j.", 1989; Zareba, 1991), or by examination of the festival's underlying religious and ideological tensions (Kaczy ski, July 27-28, 1991; Karolczak, August 9, 1991). Kaczorowski (June 1, 1992) interviews Fedir Gocz, one of the founders of the Homeland Vatra.

Szczypiorski (1992) examines the Vatra in Exile through discussion with participants, leaving the strong impression that Lemkos regard themselves as ethnic Poles. Lwoski (1992), writing to the editor, makes a distinction between legal citizenship and ethnonational identity. He asks rhetorically how can Lemkos at the same time feel themselves to be in their homeland yet term their festival "Vatra in Exile?"

All of the above topics appeared frequently enough for trends or "debates" to become discernable. Some topics or events, however, received only fleeting attention, either in terms of the brief length of the articles or in the infrequency with which the subject matter was addressed. Among these were histories of Jaworzno prison camp (Czuchowski, 1991; Lesniak, 1990) and coverage of an international academic debate on Lemko origins and identity (Zieba, 1989).

The Polish diaspora press, perhaps taking their cue from their homeland, also took an interest in Lemko matters. As with the domestic press, these articles generally took a sympathetic approach toward Lemkos, viewing them, as Potocki did, to be innocent victims of a larger debilitating conflict - both internal and regional (Pietrykowski, 1987). One author lamented the Lemkos' tragic history of assimilation; he argued that Poles were partly responsible for the "ukrainianization" of Lemkos, due to their poor treatment of Lemkos (Makarewicz, 1988). Zieba (1988) responded that the process of ethnonational identity formation is too complicated to be controlled or determined by the behavior of an outside group. Also well worth noting is Bohdan Horbal's history of the Lemkos, which avoids the usual gentle, primitive mountain folk clichés, and instead looks at the Lemko community's contributions to academia, the arts and politics (Horbal, 1993).

What emerges most clearly from this overview of Polish press writing on Lemkos is that press writing has undergone significant and positive change since the early 1980s. Both the quantity and quality of writing has improved since the early 1980s, with more insightful coverage on the complex questions arising out of the Lemkos' historical past. Both the Polish and the Lemko communities are undergoing profound transformations. A certain amount of confusion remains as Lemkos struggle to work out their own new, post-communist identity.

The Polish press has in many ways provided a fairly accurate reflection of the complex nature of this ongoing process. It can be said to be fulfilling the press's traditional role in democracy: providing a broad public forum for Poles, Lemkos, and Ukrainians to "meet" and discuss their mutual concerns.


"ABK." June 28, 1991. "Cerkiew lemkowska w Skwirtnem." Dziennik Polski (Krakow), n. 147.

Baczewska, Anna. July 13-14, 1991. " 'Zawsze czulem sie wyobcowany.' Rozmowa z Wlodzimierzem Odojewskim." Zycie Warszawy (Warszawa), n. 163.

Bendyk, Edwin. June 2, 1991. "Unici w Polsce." Slowo powszechne (Warszawa), n. 124.

Bendyk, Edwin. February 7-9, 1992. "Gdzies miedzy Gorlicami a Krynica." Czas Krakowski (Krakow), n. 27.

Bendyk, Edwin. March 14-15, 1992. "Obcy u siebie." Trybuna Opolska (Opole), n. 64.

Brzeg-Wielunski, Stanislaw. March 16, 1991. "Odzyskac od pasera." Gazeta Bankowa (Warszawa), n. 10.

"B.S." February 15-16, 1992. "W Lemkowskiej zagrodzie." Rzeczpospolita (Warszawa), n. 39.

Chabior, Barbara. December 11, 1990. "Wszystko my stratyly." Gazeta Wyborcza (Warszawski dodatek), n. 288.

Chodkiewicz, Andrzej. February 11, 1990. "O Lemkach." Lad (Warszawa), n. 6.

Czuchnowski, Wojciech. April 20-21, 1991. "Tu byli wszyscy." Czas Krakowski (Krakow), n. 92.

Fijalek, Krzysztof. February 8-9, 1992. "Niebo i Ziemie." Gazeta Wyborcza (Krakowski dodatek), n. 33.

Funnemark, Bjorn Cato. April 6, 1992. "Rusin to nie Ukrainiec." Slowo Polskie (Wroclaw.)

"g.j." July 25, 1989. "Lemkowska 'Watra'." Gazeta Wyborcza (Warszawa), n. 55.

Gryzlak, Piotr. June 20, 1991. "Wycinka." Dziennik Polski (Krakow), n. 140.

Grzegorzewski, Zbigniew. September 7-8, 1991. "Pojednanie." Glos Poranny (Lodz), n. 209.

Harasymowicz, Jerzy. July 19, 1989. "Lemkow pod rozwage." Gazeta Krakowska (Krakow), n. 168.

Horbal, Bogdan. January 14, 1993. "Lemkowie." Nowy Dziennik (New York).

"The Independent." August 10, 1990. "Czekaja na swa godzine." Tygodnik Solidarnosci (Warszawa), n. 32.

"jawro." March 30, 1992. "Lemkowie domagaja sie naprawenia krzywd." Glos Pomorza (Koszalin), n. 76.

Kaczorowski, Andrzej. June 27, 1991. "Sanktuarium unitow podlaskich." Slowo powszechne (Warszawa), n. 146.

Kaczorowski, Andrzej. June 1, 1992. "Lemkowska Watra w Zyndranowej." Slowo Powszechne (Warszawa), n. 84.

Kaczy ski, Andrzej. July 27-28, 1991. "Lemkow mialo nie byc." Zycie Warszawy (Warszawa), n. 175.

Kaczy ski, Andrzej. August 16, 1991. " 'I zaczniemy czuc sie normalniej...' Rozmowa z poslem Wlodzimierzem Mokrym." Zycie Warszawy (Warszawa), n. 191.

Karolczak, Jadwiga. August 9, 1991. "Walka o swiatynie." Slowo ludu (Kielce), n. 1668.

Karolczak, Jadwiga. August 16, 1991. "A hory plakaly, jak nas wygnialy." Slowo ludu (Kielce), n. 1669.

Karolczak, Jadwiga. August 30, 1991. "Tu jest wasza ridna zemla." Slowo ludu (Kielce), n. 1671.

"k-b." April 30-May 1, 1991. "Lemko nie wraca." Gazeta Krakowska (Krakow), n. 100.

"k-b." January 16, 1992. "Dwa jezyki, piec wyzna ." Gazeta Krakowska (Krakow).

Kiedacz, Witold. September 10, 1987. "Przy Ruskim Lichtarzu." Dziennik Polski (Krakow), n. 210.

Kiklica, Antoni. April 4-5, 1992. "Obcy u siebie." Trybuna Opolska (Opole), n. 82.

Kosma, Franciszek. February 7, 1992. "Lemkowie." Trybuna Opolska (Opole), n. 33.

Kostyrko, Weronika. July 1, 1991. "Pod opieka nieba." Gazeta Wyborcza (Warszawa), n. 151.

Kozlowski, Maciej. May 21, 1989. "Lemkowskie lasy - spor o sprawiedliwosc." Tygodnik Powszechny (Krakow), XLIII:21.

"kr." February 27, 1992. "Mniejszosci narzekaja na wladze." Kurier Poranny (Bialystok), n. 48.

Krzysztof Szmidt, Ireneusz. February 7, 1992. "Lemkowie zyja obok nas." Ziemia Gorzowska (Gorzow), n. 6.

Kutas, Piotr. October 7, 1990. "W trybach historii." Tygodnik Malopolska (Krakow), n. 40.

"les." April 3, 1991. "Co w lemkowskiej duszy gra..." Gazeta Krakowska (Krakow).

"les." January 14, 1992. "Zakaz wyrebu w polemkowskich lasach." Gazeta Krakowska (Krakow).

Lesniak, Jerzy. July 20, 1990. "Lemkowie. Miedzy Koma cza a Jaworkami." Gazeta Krakowska (Krakow), n. 167.

Lesniak, Jerzy. March 28, 1991. "Poki istnieje pamiec, poki istnieje narod." Gazeta Krakowska (Krakow), n. 74.

Lubi ska, Grazyna. January 13, 1993. "Nie ma Zebraczki." Gazeta Wyborcza (Warszawa), n. 10.

"luz." February 24, 1992. "Mniejszosci przeciw nienawisci." Zycie Warszawy (Warszawa), n. 46.

Lwoski, Zygmunt. October 2, 1992. " 'Watra znaczy ognisko' (c.d.)." Konkrety (Legnica), n. 40.

"Lwowianka z Bystrzycy Klodzkiej." May 13, 1992. "Akcja 'Wisla' byla potrzebna." Gazeta Robotnicza (Wroclaw), n. 112.

Madzelan, Seman. April 6-7, 1991. "I zaplakal pekniety dzwon." Czas Krakowski (Krakow), n. 80.

Makarewicz, Roman. January 23-24, 1988. "A co sie stalo z Rusinami?" Nowy Dziennik (New York).

Mazan, Leszek. March 8, 1992. "Andy Warhol Story." Przekroj (Krakow), n. 10.

Michalczak, Janusz, Bik-Jurkow, Krzysztofa, and Gryzlak, Piotr. May 6, 1991. "Przed lawina". Dziennik Polski (Krakow), n. 102

Migrala, Leszek. April 12, 1991. "Spojrzenie ku Lemkowszczyznie". Slowo powszechne (Warszawa), n. 84.

Miklaszewicz, Andrzej. April 24, 1991. "Przypowiesc o trzech kosciolach." Zycie Warszawy (Warszawa), n. 87

Misilo, Eugeniusz. March 11, 1990. "Deportacje, oboz w Jaworznie." Tygodnik Powszechny (Krakow) XLIV: 10.

"Ml, Sid." May 24, 1993. "Jestesmy narodem." Gazeta Wyborcza (Krakowski dodatek), p. 119

Motyka, Grzegorz. March 27-29, 1992. "W 45 rocznice smierci. Wokol smierci 'Waltera'." Polska zbrojna (Warszawa), n. 62.

Mroz, Wojciech. March 20, 1991. "Byc Lemkiem." Gazeta Wyborcza (Krakowski dodatek), n. 67.

Obywatelski Krag Lemkow. February 15, 1989. "List otwarty." Tygodnik 'Solidarnosci' (Warszawa).

PAP. March 25, 1991. "Rusini przebudzcie sie." Dziennik Polski (Krakow).

PAP. March 26, 1991. "Lemkowie walcza o swoje prawa." Zycie Warszawy (Warszawa), n. 72.

Piatek, Andrzej. July 5-7, 1991. "Glos Kukulki w Bartnem." Nowiny (Rzeszow), n. 120.

"I Swiatowy Kongres Rusinow." March 25, 1991. Trybuna (Warszawa), n. 71.

Pietrykowski, Olgierd. November 25, 1987. "Lemkowie." Nowy Dziennik (New York).

Piotrkowski, Wieslaw. December 22, 1989. "Przebudzenie." Konkrety (Legnica).

"pol." March 26, 1991. "Oddac Lemkom." Gazeta Wyborcza (Krakow), n. 72

"pol." May 16, 1991. "Spor o cerkwie." Gazeta Wyborcza (Warszawa) n. 113.

Pomykala, Marek. March 8, 1991. "Hostia i proskora." Dziennik Polski (Krakow), n. 57.

Potocki, Andrzej. February 18, 1991. "Stan zawieszenia-zakonczony." AZ (Rzeszow), n. 34.

Potocki, Andrzej. March 28, 1991. "Wielkanocna magia Lemkow." AZ (Rzeszow), n. 62.

Potocki, Andrzej. September 25, 1991. "Kto zamierza pojsc na Lachy?" AZ (Rzeszow), n. 186.

Pudlis, Eugeniusz. March 14, 1992. "Male jest najpiekniejsze." Wspolnota (Warszawa), n. 11.

Roza ski, Zbigniew. July 8, 1991. "Przebaczyc i zapomniec." Kurier Polski (Warszawa), n. 130.

Rytel, Grzegorz and Adam Wagner. June 3, 1992. "Chalupy polskie." Gromada Rolnik Polski (Warszawa), n. 45.

"saw." April 8, 1991. "Powstaje slownik polsko-lemkowski." Dziennik Polski (Krakow).

Serczyk, Wladyslaw. May 24-26, 1991. "Lemkowie." Gazeta Olszty ska (Olsztyn), n. 100.

Sidorowicz, Jaroslaw. May 24, 1993. "Istniejemy jako narod." Gazeta Wyborcza (Warszawa), n. 119.

Skubiszewski, Krzysztof. March 11, 1990. "Akcja 'Wisla' i prawo miedzynarodowe." Tygodnik Powszechny (Krakow), XLIV: 10.

"Sos." April 14, 1992. "Cerkwie sercem malowane." AZ (Rzeszow), n. 74.

Szafra ski, Maciej. May 6, 1991. "Parafia ludzi z daleka." Gazeta Nowa Zielonogorska (Zielona Gora), n. 86.

Szczypiorski, Miroslaw. August 21, 1992. "Watra znaczy ognisko." Konkrety (Legnica), n. 34.

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(1) Census data are lacking. The figure generally accepted by scholars is 60,000. See: Andrzej Zieba, Niekol'ko Uvah Na Temu Clanku Paula R. Magocsioho "Karpatski Rusini: Sucasny Stav a Perespektivy v Buducnosti, Slovenský Národopis, 1992, 40(2): 201.

(2) Andrzej Zieba. 1988. "The Lemko Question in the Polish Press, 1980-86." Carpatho-Rusyn American, XI(I): 9-11.

(3) Ibid., p. 9.

(4) As part of her doctoral research, the author distributed 250 Polish-language survey questionnaires among Lemkos (50 were returned). The question asked was:

How would you evaluate the approach of the Polish media (press, television) to Lemko matters?

a. interested, but pro-Polish

b. interested, but pro-Rusyn

c. interested, but pro-Ukrainian

d. basically objective

e. don't pay attention to our [Lemko] concerns

f. no opinion

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