LEMKOS IN POLAND SURVEYED1
This article marks the start of an occasional series discussing the results of a survey conducted by the author among Poland's Lemko community during 1991. The article begins with a brief discussion and the survey questionnaire itself, how it was distributed and who responded. Then, in this article and in subsequent articles, will follow a discussion of individual questions contained in the survey. Each of the featured questions will be discussed separately, with brief consideration of the tabulated result (where applicable), followed by respondents' written comments. Explanatory notes or clarifications of respondents' comments will be indicated by [square brackets]. The conclusion will consider what the cumulative results suggest about how Lemkos responded to the issues raised in the questions.
The Questionnaire and the Respondents
The questionnaire focused generally on how Lemkos viewed themselves, their present situation in Poland and their community's future. Most questions offered respondents a choice of answers to select from, as well as space to add comments. The questionnaire was written in the Polish language, as were respondents' written answers. In order to encourage participation, the questionnaire allowed respondents to remain anonymous. They will be identified below only by their randomly assigned number and by descriptive background information, such as age, location, religious persuasion.
No statistical records on Lemkos (or on any other minority communities living in Poland) have been kept since the Second World War. Without such information to rely on as a guide, the author attempted to collect a varied group of respondents by distributing questionnaires at Lemko cultural festivals and religious holidays. Lemkos of all ages come from all over Poland to attend these events, providing a concentrated, yet mixed population of both traditional Lemko faiths (Greek Catholic and Orthodox) and ethnonational "orientations" (Ukrainian and Rusyn). Lemko community events at which questionnaires were distributed included the Summer Solstice (or Rusalia) and both annual Lemko "Vatra" folk festivals held (respectively) in July in the villages of Zhdynia and in August in the village of Michalow.
A variety of distribution methods were used. Questionnaires were distributed directly by hand or in multiple mailings to organizations and individuals. Lemko organizations contacted included the Society of Lemkos (Stovaryshynja Lemkiv), the Union of Lemkos (Objednania Lemkiv), the Hospodar Rusyn Democratic Circle of Lemkos in Poland, the Ruska Bursa, and the Organizational Committee of the Zhdynia Vatra (Komitet Ohranizatsyjnyj Vatry). Questionnaires were also distributed "by proxy." Recognized Lemko community leaders of both Greek Catholic and Orthodox background and of both Ukrainian and Rusyn orientations were requested by letter or in person to distribute questionnaires on the author's behalf among their like-minded associates. A total of 250 questionnaires were distributed in the above described manner; 52 have been returned.
Briefly, the respondents' background profile appears as follows:
In terms of age, 44% of the sample is from the generation born before the Lemkos' 1947 resettlement, which in 1991, made this group 45 yeas old or older. 54% of the sample is from the first post-resettlement generation, aged 20- 44 years. 2% of the sample is aged 19 or younger, representing the second post-resettlement generation. 52% hold a college degree. 44% hold a high school diploma and 4% have completed grammar school.
In terms of profession, the the skilled trades predominated, followed by the professions and educators. Respondents were accountants, electricians, technicians, engineers, doctors, economists, schoolteachers, teaching assistants, farmers or homemakers. Individually represented were a lumberjack, choir director, cleric, veterinarian, university student, high school student, philologist/translator and ethnographer.
In terms of religious persuasion. 54% are Orthodox; 37% are Greek Catholic2, 4% are Pentecostal, 2% are Roman Catholic, 2% are "atheist".
Returns on province were divided into three categories: territory of historical Lemko settlement (the Lemko Region); the territory to which Lemkos were resettled in 1947 (Silesia and Pomerania); and lastly, all other parts of Poland to which Lemkos have migrated from one of the first two regions. On this basis, 50% came from historical Lemko region 3; 44% from resettlement territories 4; and 6% from territories of new settlement5.
The Questions
The two questions discussed in this article were part of a series of questions raised early in the questionnaire with the intent of gaining some insight into how Lemkos understand the "outer limits" of their group identity and distinguish between themselves and non-Lemkos.
These two questions asked respondents to think about what in the post-1947 Lemko community is a common phenomenon: a Lemko extensively assimilated into the Polish, Roman Catholic mainstream. This assimilated Lemko is almost entirely lacking in the traditional cultural aspects of Lemko heritage, such as an eastern rite Christian faith. Is he "still" a Lemko? If so, what makes him so? If not, why not and how can he "'return" to his roots?
The survey questions appeared as follows:
1. Is it possible for someone who does not speak Lemko, does not live in the Lemko region, is married to a non-Lemko and of a non-traditional religious faith, to be regarded as a Lemko?
2. How can one "return" to one's Lemko roots?
In question #1, respondents were offered choices of "Yes (...it is possible for this person to be considered a Lemko...)", "No" and "It's difficult to say". They were then asked to elaborate on their answer. The results were:
a. Yes 53%
b. No 35%
c. Difficult to say 12%
A small majority was willing without reservation to accept the hypothetical assimilated Lemko as still being Lemko. 47% (the 35% answering "no" and the 12% answering "Difficult to say") either rejected the possibility or at least did not look favorably on the hypothetical Lemko's chances of maintaining his Lemko identity. Why did some respondents regard the assimilated Lemko as still being Lemko, while others do not? We turn now to respondents' comments.
Most of those respondents who accepted the possibility that the assimilated Lemko could still be considered a Lemko based their determination of Lemko identity on one of two characteristics: the individual's genetic heritage (i.e. having ethnic Lemko parentage), and the present (or absence) in the individual of an emotional attachment to his/her Lemko heritage.
"It is sufficient simply that he [the hypothetical Lemko in the question] is of Lemko parentage," wrote respondent #2, a 65 year old Lemko of Roman Catholic background. "Lemkos typically set great store by their family roots," added respondent #11, a 49 year old Greek Catholic. Respondent #36, a 33 year old Greek Catholic teacher, wrote that: "One becomes a Lemko only once - by being born as one".
Respondent #8, a 50 year old Lemko of Orthodox background wrote that: "It depends on him. A feeling of: belonging is born and lives in the heart. Respondent #15, a 52 year old economist from Wroclaw, also based her understanding of who is and who is not a Lemko on an individual's emotional attachment to their heritage. She wrote that one is a Lemko "...when one's heart beats faster at hearing the mere word "Lemko". "...everything else will follow." added respondent #25, a 44 year old factory worker from Zielona Gora.
Representative of those who questioned whether the hypothetical Lemko could truly be considered Lemko was respondent #22, a 40 year old Orthodox cleric..He remarked that "A Lemko who doesn't meet the listed requirements [language, religion, Lemko home life, area of residence] would be a pretty strange, contrived Lemko."
Some respondents felt that a Lemko so far removed from Lemko traditions would simply be unable to resist the forces of assimilation: "If he doesn't speak Lemko, is not an eastern rite Christlan...wth time he and definitely his children will lose connection with the Lemko community," wrote respondent #35, a 33 year old Greek Catholic veterinarian. "Lack of Lemko language skills," argued 26 year old Orthodox respondent #44 "is a barrier to interrelating with other Lemkos and to understanding Lemko culture." Concluded respondent #12, a 51 year old farmer from Nowy Sacz: "He's a renegade".
Respondent #14, a 49 year old Greek Catholic from Tarnow offered a brief history lesson tracing the origin of the many Lemkos' desire to assimilate or at least to appear more outwardly polish: "Poles undertaking the illegal [1947 "Vistula" Operation] population resettlement induced a psychosis of fear and denationalization. People [Lemkos] hid their ethnonational identity.."
Question #2, related to the first question, asks how can an assimilated Lemko one return to his roots. Respondents' answers emphasized the need to become reacquainted with Lemko culture, history and language.
Respondent #15, a 52 year old economist wrote that one must: "Grow to love [Lemko] culture, customs, traditions - and above all love the mountainous Lemko homeland." Respondents #47, a 27 year old ethnographer of Greek Catholic background wrote that a Lemko seeking to rediscover his roots must "...make contact with other Lemkos, learn to recognize Lemko things, and maintain distance from non-Lemko things." Respondent #31, a 40 year old electrician Legnica province wrote that it is necessary to "...use the Lemko language on a daily basis."
"It comes with age - a return of interest in the culture, longings...recharging one's batteries in the mountains," wrote respondent #16, 1 47 year old doctor. "Don't be ashamed of your people and your religious faith," advised respondent #33, a 33 year old woman of Orthodox background. Respondent #27, a 44 year old technician from Legnica province wrote that one way to return to one's Lemko roots is to "work for the growth of the Lemko community."
Seven respondents expressed doubt regarding the possibility as to whether an assimilated Lemko could ever return to his roots. Respondent #44, a 26 year old farmer, wrote that: "It's difficult to count on a miraculous conversion." Respondent #22, a 40 year old Orthodox cleric - noted wryly that: "There aren't many ways [to return to one's Lemko roots], none of them is ideal; there is no set recipe. It's hard to 'become' someone. It's better simply to 'be' him."
Conclusion:
The results of these two questions suggest that the most important determinant of group identity for most Lemkos living in Poland today is simply having been born Lemko and having an emotional attachment to one's Lemko family, heritage and homeland. A recognition of and appreciation for the more "concrete", material manifestations of Lemko identity, such as language or religious faith, are very important for maintaining Lemko identity in the face of assimilation. The majority of respondents, however, felt that while these concrete manifestations were important indicators of Lemko identity, they were not absolutely necessary; their absence was alone not sufficient reason to question whether or not someone "is" a Lemko.
This emphasizes the more "subjective" aspects of Lemko identity over more concrete, "objective" aspects of Lemko identity, arises out of the nearly complete destruction of Lemko material and spiritual culture arising out of the 1947 "Vistula" Operation population resettlement. With their churches destroyed, their language ridiculed, their mountain life-style and culture taken away, Lemkos for many years had only family and "feelings" to define themselves to themselves and to one another.
1. Research for this article was supported in part by a grant from the International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX, with funds provided by the National Endowment for the Humanities, the United States Information Agency, and the US Department of State, which administers the Soviet and East European Training Act of 1983 (Title VIII).
2. The results are reported under the term., "Greek Catholic", because this term was used by the respondents to describe themselves in answer to a question on religious background. Three respondents who defined themselves as "Byzantine Catholic" or "Ukrainian Catholic" are also included in this category.
3. Breakdown by province is as follows: Nowy Sacz 40%, Tarnow: 6%; Krosno: 4%.
4. Breakdown by province is a s follows: Legnica: 21%; Zielona Gora: 10%; Gorzow: 6%; Wroclaw: 6%; Koszalin: 2%.
5. Breakdown by province is as follows: Bielsko-Biala: 2%; Cracow: 2%; Torun: 2%.
Geographical location and cultural identity
Lemko folk art and culture have been inspired by and celebrate their mountainous Carpathian homeland. Some scholars have attributed the very existence of a distinct Lemko identity to geographic location.8 rugged mountainous terrain has, especially before 20th century technological innovations, traditionally limited the entry of outsiders and, more importantly, of their ideas. Mountainous touring is also often characterized by agriculturally poor soils. Hence, the inhabitants of such regions are isolated from important social and political developments of their day that only by geography, but often I economic deprivation. Such circumstances frequently engender in the local inhabitants a psychological sense of separateness, an urge to self-reliance and mistrust of the familiar.
The post-1947 Lemko community is largely separated from its homeland and surrounded by non-Lemko cultural influences. What is the role of the homeland in such a displaced community? Has the traditional tie between the Lemko region and Lemko cultural identity remained strong? Has it been altered in some way?
Question #1
1. is living in the Lemko homeland necessary in order to preserve the connection with ones Lemko heritage?
A. Yes 22% b. No 78% c. no opinion
The overwhelming majority of respondents felt that living in their homeland was not absolutely necessary to retain contact with their Lemko heritage. The answer of respondent #36, a 33 year old teacher of Greek Catholic faith living in Nowy Sacz province, was representative of this group: "it probably depends on the individual character of a given Lemko. One may need to feel the mountains all around him, another might be able to live in a foreign land as flat as a board."
Respondent #39, a 24 year old student from Legnica province, suggested that returning to the homeland was necessary to retain contact with his Lemko identity, but that short visits could fulfill this need: "for someone who feels themselves to be a Lemko, a return to the mountains, even if only for a short time is a powerful emotional experience that strengthens feelings of belonging. It is of course possible to be a Lemko and partake of Lemko culture outside the Beskid mountain region, but the greater concentration of Lemkos in the mountains provides more opportunities."
Respondent #30, a 40 year old accountant of Orthodox religious background, dwelled on the practical side of the matter: "where you live doesn't always depend on your desires. It depends on the past political environment and the present political and economic conditions."
The 22 percent of respondents who felt that it was possible to retain content with their Lemko roots only by residing in the Lemko region, felt so for two primarily reasons. First and foremost was a strong fear of assimilation. Secondly, these respondents a personal level simply felt "at home" only among their own kind in their own homeland.
Respondent #22, a 40 year old Orthodox cleric residing in the Lemko region, was representative of those fearing assimilation. He argued that: "no nationality living outside of their homeland are able to completely preserve their ethnonational identity or culture." Respondent #33, a 33 year old also residing in the Lemko region, agreed: "every nationality ought to have its own homeland and the majority of at nationality should live there."
The remarks of respondent #13, a 48 year old orthodox teacher living in the Lemko region, eloquently reflected the views of those who could feel at home only in the Lemko region. He wrote that: "... Only in Lemkovyna can I feel like a native son. Here every stone, every roadside chapel and cross is a witness to the existence of our people, who have suffered so cruelly, yet persevered. Returning to our roots may restore to us the dignity of a people in possession of their own lands, where every stretch of meadow is a part of our history. After exactly 30 years in exile, I have at last returned with my family to my beloved mountains."
Question #2
2. for those respondents presently living outside the Lemko region: do you have any desire to return to the Lemko region?
a.. Yes 58% b. No 31% c. no opinion 11%
These results suggest that the perceived necessity of permanent, direct physical content with the homeland his diminished for a large minority of 42 percent (the 31 percent answering "no" and the 11 percent answering "no opinion"). This interpretation would agree with the results of question number one, which suggested that Lemkos had of necessity to detach their identity from its geographical moorings and carry it in their hearts. The primary reasons given for not returning, or not wishing to return and (for younger respondents) the lack of funds and/ or job opportunities in the Lemko region and (for older respondents) advanced age.
Respondent #6, a 69 year old Greek Catholic accountant, strongly desired to return, "... But I cannot get my ancestral land back. It would first be necessary to annul the 1958 decree9, but the government will not act."
Conclusion
The results of these two questions suggest that for Lemkos the emotional connection to their Carpathian homeland is still very strong. The function of the homeland remains the same as it was before resettlement: the Lemko land serves as a reservoir of past and present Lemko identity. The way in which the land fulfills this function, however, has of necessity changed. Hence, mere short vacations to the Carpathians become "pilgrimages to Lemkovyna," during which the Lemko " pilgrim" can reestablish contact with a lost ancestral past.
8. See for example: Olena Duc-Fajfer. "Lemkos in Poland," in: Paul R. Magocsi, ed. 1993. The Persistence of Regional Cultures. Rusyns and Ukrainians in Their Carpathian Homeland and Abroad. New York City: Columbia University, pp 88-89.
9. Respondent #6 referred to a decree overseeing the economic development of the then still underpopulated southeastern corner of Poland (inclusive of the Lemko region). This decree prohibited returning Lemkos from contesting the ownership of their former properties. See: Kazimierz Pudlo. 1987, Lemkowie, Proces wrastania w srodowisku dolnego Slaska, 1947-85. Wroclaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze, p. 165.